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NEW: DeSantis Launches Power Play To Add More GOP Seats Ahead Of Midterms


Gov. Ron DeSantis is moving to redraw Florida’s congressional map in a fast-track special session next Tuesday, a high-stakes push that could tilt a handful of U.S. House seats ahead of the midterms and set off an immediate legal brawl over the state’s anti-gerrymandering rules.

Florida’s Constitution bans lawmakers from drawing districts “with the intent to favor or disfavor a political party or an incumbent.” DeSantis’ critics say the governor is trying to thread the needle by outsourcing the sensitive work to the executive branch, then daring opponents to prove “intent” in court before the next election.

Partisan control of Congress could hinge on what happens in Tallahassee. DeSantis called lawmakers back amid a nationwide redistricting scramble that began after President Donald Trump urged Republican-led states to create more GOP-leaning seats. The pressure ramped up after Virginia voters approved a plan this week that could net Democrats up to four additional districts, making Florida a major battleground in the map war.

Interviews with lawmakers, election attorneys and redistricting experts point to what they describe as a three-part strategy from DeSantis: keep the mapmaking close to his office, move it through the Legislature quickly, and try to run out the clock on court challenges before ballots are printed and voters are locked in.

One tool in that clock game is the “Purcell Principle,” a legal doctrine from a 2006 U.S. Supreme Court case that generally discourages lower courts from changing election rules too close to Election Day to avoid confusion. Critics argue Purcell can reward late-breaking political maneuvers. Supporters say it prevents chaos.

Another potential shield is executive privilege and the so-called Apex Doctrine, which can limit or delay efforts to depose high-level officials. DeSantis’ office leaned on those arguments during litigation over the 2022 congressional map, when plaintiffs sought information about who drew the lines and why. Challengers say that kind of process can slow discovery and buy time. DeSantis allies argue it protects legitimate executive deliberations.

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Then there is secrecy. In 2022, DeSantis became the first Florida governor in recent memory to submit his own congressional map drafted outside the public view, instead of letting lawmakers build a record through hearings and amendments. Opponents say that makes it harder to prove intent later. This time, even some legislators expected to vote on the new plan had not seen the maps as of Thursday night, according to people familiar with the discussions.

The political math is tempting but risky. Florida’s House delegation currently stands at 20 Republicans and eight Democrats. Some national Republicans are hoping for a bigger edge. But squeezing more red seats out of the map often means breaking up Democratic districts or spreading Democratic voters into nearby Republican seats.

“It’s yin-and-yang: To make blue seats more purple, you have to make red seats more purple,” one Florida Republican lawmaker said, warning that a “dummymander” can backfire if turnout shifts or independents swing.

Even if DeSantis gets his preferred map through the Legislature, court fights are likely. He also has a major advantage in Tallahassee: He appointed six of the seven justices on the Florida Supreme Court, a factor Democrats and good-government groups cite as they brace for litigation.

“DeSantis is doing this for partisan purposes and everybody knows it,” said Ellen Frieden, a liberal activist who helped lead the 2010 Fair Districts Florida effort that put the anti-gerrymandering language into the Constitution.

A Republican election-law attorney who once worked for DeSantis was blunt about the endgame: “This is about delivering more seats for the Republican Party.”

DeSantis has said the special session is justified by population shifts and a pending U.S. Supreme Court ruling touching minority districts. “Florida has experienced 10 years’ worth of population growth in, like, three” years, he told the Florida Phoenix. “Our districts are not fairly apportioned.”

Many legislators appear prepared to move quickly and leave the fallout to the courts.

“If we get a map from the governor, we will vote it out and go home,” one lawmaker said. “It’s his map. We’re not getting deposed. His people are.”

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